Background of study
Political violence refers to all collective attacks within a political community against the political regime, its actors- including competing political groups as well as incumbents or its policies (Halliru, 2013). According to Millington (2007), from confrontations during strikes to the street battles of extremist groups, violence was a feature of interwar European politics, as countries entered an age of mass politics, governments searched for ways to integrate their peoples into the political system. He stressed that, yet violence as a means of political expression and engagement persisted, even in democratic nations (Millington, 2007). Violent political conflict preceded the establishment of fascist regimes in Italy and Germany, and civil war in Spain, in Eastern Europe, the collapse of empire and the founding of new nation-states gave rise to violent 2 political struggle, in France and Britain, street fighting and rioting raised fears over the breakdown of order in the western democracies (Millington, 2007). More so, according to Human Security Report Oxford university (2005) out of 30 major political violence recorded in 2000, there were 23 civil wars, of which ten were in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). These wars are estimated to have resulted in over four million deaths and have cost the countries in question more than $138 billion (in 1995 prices). However, by the turn of the 21st century, Sub-Saharan Africa has become the most violent region, accounting for more battle-related deaths than all other regions combined (Human Security Centre, 2005). From the years 1999 Nigeria witnessed an unprecedented increase in acts of political violence across the country arising from the formation of ethnic and political militia, such as Oduduwa People Congress (OPC), in the South-West of Nigeria, ECOMOG in Borno State, Kalare in Gombe State, and Sara – Suka in Bauchi State among others (Umar, 2003). Furthermore, Individual politicians and groups (political parties and ethnic group formations) have in unequivocal terms demonstrated their readiness to employ violence to achieve their personal goals (Umar, 2003). This state of affairs has caused an ominous cloud over the sustenance of democracy and raised concerns over the future of Nigeria as a political entity (Umar, 2003). 3 Since the advent of civilian rule in 1999, Gombe State has experienced quite a number of political violence due largely to the involvement of Kalare into political activities (Umar, 2003). In 2003 Kalare activities virtually became part of the electoral process in the state making electoral campaign and voting as a battle ground where Kalare are used to harass, intimidate, assassinate and deter Political opponent during electoral campaign and Voting of candidates of their choices (Umar,2003). However, there is a war plan of Governor Dankwambo to eliminate the menace of kalare in the state will not only be confined to the application of force (security agencies), but other alternative social measures are considered; The Governor also stated in his inauguration speech that a lot of packages await those that renounce their membership of the group, one of them is the establishment of skill acquisition centers across the state (Aliyu, 2011). As cruel as Kalare is, all its members are automatic social destitute once election is over and politicians are sworn in (Aliyu, 2011). However, the government employed those renounced kalare youth as gate keepers of ministries and parastatals and Government houses with stipends ranges from 18000 to 23000 (Aliyu, 2011).
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