AN ASSESSMENT OF ELECTION VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA
- Project Research
- 1-5 Chapters
- Qualitative
- Historical
- Abstract : Available
- Table of Content: Available
- Reference Style: APA
- Recommended for : Student Researchers
- NGN 3000
Background of the study
Nigeria's electoral process has been marred by violence. Recent forms of electoral violence, on the other hand, have taken on an unprecedented scale and are altering shape and character, with grave consequences for democratic stability and consolidation. Examples include contested and violent elections in Nigeria, where the attendant desire for redress through official and unofficial remedies has resulted in a slew of new paradoxes (Adejumobi, 2007).
Electoral violence, as a concept, essentially refers to all forms of organized acts or threats, physical, psychological, and structural, aimed at intimidating, harming, or blackmailing a political stakeholder before, during, and after an election in order to determine, delay, or otherwise influence an electoral process. The significance of this is that electoral violence has physical, psychological, and institutional components (Adekanye, 2005). Assassination of political opponents, arson, looting, shooting, abduction and hostage taking, forcible interruption of campaign rallies, armed attacks on voting and collation centers, including the seizing of ballot papers and boxes at gunpoint, are among the physical aspects. The psychological dimension is concerned with governmental and unofficial activities that instill fear in individuals, which may be the result of physical violence. Threats to opposition troops may be made by security agents or by phone calls or text messaging (Agbaje & Adejumobi, 2006). This structural dimension of electoral violence appears to be much more pronounced, as a result of structural imbalances such as government coercion of citizens to register or vote, unequal opportunities for political parties and candidates, abuse of incumbency power, falsification of election results, and the politicization of security and electoral officials (Agbaje & Adejumobi, 2006).
It is also clear that electoral violence, like elections themselves, is not limited to Election Day. It can occur prior to, during, and after the elections. Threats against electoral stakeholders during voter registration or electioneering campaigns are examples of pre-election violence (Ajayi, 2013). Snatching of ballot papers or boxes, assaults on opposition parties or agents, and harassment or intimidation by security officers are all examples of election day violence. Following an election, electoral violence may take the form of violent demonstrations against actual or believed electoral cheating, as well as the deployment of the state's infrastructure of force in reaction to the protest, further fueling the violence (Akerele, 2003). Furthermore, electoral violence is a type, arguably the most lethal one, of electoral fraud, which has been characterized as "covert efforts to influence election results."This can be done by the existing power holder to prevent defeat, as well as by power opposition members aiming to seize political power from the ruling party. In most circumstances, electoral information such as registration data, vote results, and ballots; campaign materials such as cars and public address systems; electoral infrastructure such as polling and counting stations; and electoral events such as campaign rallies are used (Akerele, 2003).
Finally, given the fact that electoral violence may be used by both ruling and opposition groups, as well as the vast range of potential targets outlined above, electoral violence is undeniably a major cause of democratic instability. Indeed, it can constitute a serious danger to the chances for democratic consolidation (Ajayi, 2013).
1.2 THE ONDO DEBACLE: POLITICS AND ELECTION IN ONDO STATE
Ondo state probably referred to as the “Sunshine state” was created from defunct western state on 3rd February, 1976. It covers a land area of 14, 739 square kilometers with its administrative capital at Akure. The state is bounded in the north by Ekiti state and Kogi state,in the east by Edo state, in the west by Osun and Ogunstates and in the south by the Altantic Ocean. Ondo state is people predominated by Yoruba who speak various dialect of Yoruba language. The state has three senatorial district, nine Federal Houses of representative seat, twenty six state House of Assembly seat, Eighteen local Government Area. The three senatorial district are Ondo North made up of Akoko North-West, Akoko North-East, Akoko South-East, Akoko South-West, Awola local government Area; Ondo Central which consist of Akure south, Akure North, Ifedore/Igaraoke, Ondo West, Ondo East; and Ondo South which consist of Odigbo, Irele, Ilaje, EseOdo, Okitipupa, Ileoluji/Okeigbo Local Governments. The distribution according to senatorial district is based on the geographical encirclement within Ondo state.
Historically, it has been seen that Ondo politics and election has always been characterized by series of violence which resulted into physical combat among political western region, what is today referred to as Ondo State could be said to have a deep political history that dates back to the anti-colonial struggle under the influence of the Action Group. In other words, the ideology of political parties in Ondo State takes their own picture and manifestoes from the Action Group ideology and manifesto. It is, therefore, hardly surprising to note that their politics of today since independence has manifested progressive tendency associated with Action Group. Action Group as a political party set the pace for democratic political structure in Ondo and other south west state in Nigeria.
The Ondo debacle was one of the major conflicts that characterize the election in Ondo state. During the second republic 1979-1985, by which time the state has been created, the Unity Party of Nigeria (U.P.N), Action Group successor in south west, continue to dominate the politics of the state. During this period, the late chief Mike Adekunle Ajasin Unity Party of Nigeria (U.P.N) won the government election of 1979, however by the second election of 1983, Akinwole Michael Omoboriowo, Ajasin deputy from 1979-1983 decamped to National Party of Nigeria (N.P.N), the ruling party at the centre to contest the governorship race with Ajasin. As it turned out Akinwole Michael was officially the winner of the governorship election by the Federal Electoral Commissions (FEDECO). The Declaration sprang out unprecedented-level of post-election violence across the state popularly refer to as operation Wet e during which many lives were lost, properties worth several billion of naira were destroyed. The state was in a house of war during this period.
However, it could be said that the violent resistance started when the plans to rig the election was revealed. Ondo citizens became involved in the plan to resist any attempt, to rig the 1983 election in favour of the rival National Party of Nigerian (N.P.N), amongst whom were the immediate past governor of Ondo state, Olusegun Agagu, former Education Minister, Prof. Tunde Adeniran and former Minister for Mines and Power, Olu Agunloye, Veteran Journalist and special Assistant on Special Duties to Ajasinin 1983, Joe Aladesoun. According to resource material, it is claimed that Joe Aladesoun told Saturday sun that the Ajasin group learnt of the plan to rig the election one year before the election. Consequently, he said, Ajasin tasked party leaders to finds solution to whatever plans the rival party might have to rig the election. Aladesoun revealed that three strategic committees were set up, finance committee which was headed by the present Afenifere leader, Reuben Fasoranti, metaphysical committee and the tactical committee.
He explained that the tactical committee, which he headed, was responsible for sensitizing and mobilizing the people. Aladesoun personally prepared the commentary that was read on the state radio every day. He, however, emphasized the fact that he did not mobilize the people to violence but admitted that he called on the people to defend their vote.
In addition, the metaphysical committee was instrumental towards the Ondo debacle of 1983. According to a resource material, the committee prepared fire in an egg and it was the egg that was used to burn down FEDECO office that was surrounded by solders. When the soldier saw egg in the hand of a woman, they did not expect that it could be harmful. It was the egg thrown at the wall that burnt down the FEDECO office. It was claimed that there were no loss of lives. It was also claimed that the metaphysical committee member followed the soldiers that were brought into the state wherever they went, the committee members will drop certain objects on the road and their cloth would be gummed to their body. The committee used metaphysical powers to protect the interest of the Unity Party of Nigeria (U.P.N) Ondo faction.
Finally, to assertion the true winner of the 1983 government election in Ondo state, the issue was taken to court. It was the court that reversed the result announced by FEDECO. The five judges that sat in Akure gave one verdict in favour of chief Ajasin. At the court of appeal that sat in Benin, four of five judges pronounced chief Ajasin winner. Thus Ajasin of the Unity Party of Nigeria (U.P.N) reclaimed its mandate, Omoboriowo flee the state (wikipedia.org).
1.3 Statement of the problem
Nigeria's election politics have been turbulent since independence. Politicians in Nigeria have gotten "more desperate and adventurous in acquiring and holding power; more irresponsible and selfish in their use and abuse of power; and more intolerant of dissent, criticism, and attempts to replace them" throughout the years (Ajayi, 2013). Almost all general elections have been marred by violence, necessitating free and fair elections. Thus, electoral violence has proven to be Nigeria's precursor of national instability, as chronic festering and rising anomalies appear at all phases of election, subjecting almost all Nigerian elections to the bare minimum of democracy (Agbaje & Adejumobi, 2006). As a result, it is against this context that this study will investigate electoral violence in Nigeria from 1983 to 2011.
1.4 Objective of the Study
The purpose of this research is to do a critical study on election violence from 1983 to 2011. Specifically it is geared
- To examine the nature of election violence in Nigeria
- To investigate the causes of election violence in Nigeria
- To examine factors that leads to pre and post election violence in Nigeria
1.5 Significance of the study.
The study would contribute to the general body of knowledge. More so it would reveal to political actors on the need as not to see election as a do or die affair. It would also heighten to awareness of policy makers on the reasons to review electoral acts in order to monitor the actions of political actors.it would also be beneficial to citizen on the need of not being used by political candidate to carry out crime activities during pre and post election periods.
1.6 Scope of the study
The purpose of this research is to do a critical study on election violence from 1983 to 2011. Specifically it will examine the nature of election violence. It will investigate the causes of election violence. It will examine factors that leads to pre and post election violence. Thus the research is delimited to study election violence from 1983-2011 using Ondo State Nigeria as a case study. ‘
1.7 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Research methodology deals with the different ways or methods the researcher applied in order to carry out the research as well as the instrument used for gathering the data.
There are several research methodologies appropriate for answering the research questions. The type of research methodology used in this research to gather data and relevant information is the historical research and the study will adopt descriptive method of data collection. This will involve the collection of materials from secondary sources, such as books, journal articles, magazines, internet sources, international and national conference proceedings, published and unpublished articles.
METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION
The qualitative method was used to generate data for this work. According to Biereenu-Nnabugwu (2006), qualitative method is used to obtain in-depth information and concept/variable clarification so as to facilitate instrument designs. Qualitative method is most useful when used to glean, illuminate, interprete and extract valuable information so as to draw inference from the available evidence to reach a conclusion. On the other hand, Obikeze (cited in Nnabugwu, 2006) argues that the advantage of the qualitative method lies in the fact that it is able to gain access to organizational structure, bureaucratic processes and it can more readily lead to the discovery of the unexpected phenomenon. Additionally, we also relied on secondary sources of data. Asika (1990) holds that secondary sources of data refer to a set of data gathered or authored by another person, usually data from the available data, either in the form of documents or survey results and code books. The study therefore depended on books, journals, articles and other written works on the same topic in addition to government internet materials that treat the same topic.
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